From Impasse to Renaissance?
Review of Historical Materialism’s “Symposium on Marxism and African
Realities”
Noah Zerbe
“The mainstream of Development Studies has
increasingly become, probably unwittingly, an ideological legitimation for the
practices of neo-liberal reordering of capital accumulation in the latest phase
of imperialism. This is why it is
urgent that we renew the historical materialist critique of bourgeois thought in
its current manifestations, and return to examine modern forms of imperialist
domination of Africa.”
-- Branwen Gruffydd-Jones
(2003: 43)
The impasse and tragedy debates that characterized
African studies in the 1980 and 1990s have, as Gruffydd-Jones alludes, given way
to a narrowing of the methodological scope of the field.
“Development” is increasingly conceived in neoliberal terms of trade
liberalization, deregulation, privatization, and good governance, and capitalist
globalization is increasingly accepted as the context for development.
To be deemed “realistic,” development is presented in ways that do
not fundamentally challenge the predominance of neoliberal globalization.
Consequently, potential progressive contributions to the field have been
silenced. Critical “political
economy,” in Saul’s (2001) terms, has been circumscribed by a neoliberal
“political science” that both undermines the potential transformative role
of the state and limits the possibility of progressive political agency (Saul,
2001).
The December 2004 special issue of Historical
Materialism, subtitled “Marxism and African Realities,” presents a
powerful alternative to the mainstream conception of development and represents
precisely the type of scholarship for which Griffydd-Jones is calling; a
progressive scholarship which is also at the heart of ACAS’ agenda.
In rejecting both the Afropessimism presented in mainstream accounts of
the African tragedy and ahistorical models based in neoclassical economics and
neoliberal politics, the symposium attempts instead to reinvigorate historical
materialism as a methodological framework for understanding contemporary Africa.
Collectively, the contributions seek to “demonstrate the strengths of
historical materialism in unraveling the negative forces and processes
structuring African realities” while simultaneously highlighting the
progressive challenges to capitalism and imperialism in contemporary Africa (Campling,
2004: 52).
Methodologically, the historical materialist approach
utilized in various forms by the contributors to the symposium presents three
distinct advantages. First, it emphasizes the importance of Africa’s colonial
past in conditioning contemporary problems.
The fundamental weakness of many analyses of the African tragedy centers
on the portrayal of Africa abstracted from its colonial history—a portrayal
that both naturalizes and dehistoricizes Africa’s present malaise.
The historical materialist methodology utilized in the symposium permits
a deeper analysis of contemporary African political economy by tracing the
historical evolution of the continent’s uneven integration into the global
political economy—an integration premised on and conditioned by processes of
uneven exchange and primitive accumulation.
Idahosa and Shenton’s analysis of the “compromised modernity” of
the African state, a function of the precolonial and colonial political economy
of governance, builds on precisely such an understanding.
Outside the settler colonies of Kenya, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, where
relatively strong states were established to reinforce racialized systems of
rule, elsewhere in Africa the colonial state sought to order society only
insofar as such an ordering was a precondition for the insertion of African
primary commodity production into international markets.
Taxes, conquest, and legal systems which drew on artificial and highly
romanticized notions of ‘custom,’ ‘tradition,’ and ‘tribe’ were all
structured to achieve this goal rather than genuine national development and
broader state building. The
compromised modernity of the post-independence state, rooted in the colonial
project, thus presented a central paradox for strategies of national
development, namely, assuming a state capable of guiding development where no
such state actually existed.
Similarly, Bernstein’s essay on Africa’s agrarian
questions firmly grounds its analysis in the historical structures and dynamics
of commodification established during colonialism.
Indeed, the different historical conditions of the agrarian question in
the West and the South—conditions established during the colonial era but
transformed during subsequent reorganizations of global capital, particularly
during globalization—lead Bernstein to conclude that the African “crisis”
is reflective of contradictory forms of “actually existing” capitalism
rather than the failure of capitalism per se.
Second, the historical materialist methodology employed in
the symposium highlights Africa’s uneven integration into the global political
economy. Africa is, on the one
hand, largely peripheral to the global political economy—it is neither the
beneficiary of significant quantities of foreign direct investment nor home to
extensive industrial production. On
the other hand, the global capital perhaps more dramatically disciplines the
African political economy than almost any other in the world.
International capital markets and structural adjustment programs force
African states to abide by market dictates, yet Africa reaps little from the
purported benefits of capitalist economic development.
Bond’s contribution on the economic and ecological
failures of capitalist development in Africa exemplifies precisely this point.
Indeed, as Bond demonstrates, capitalism demonstrates little capacity to
establish the conditions for economic stability (let alone economic growth) on
the continent. Rather, the
destructive logic of capitalism, particularly in its current neoliberal form,
continues to undermine Africa’s future.
Nunn and Price echo this contention in their analysis of
neoliberalism, employing a Neo-Gramscian framework based explicitly on Stephen
Gill’s new constitutionalism to examine relations between Africa and the
European Union. In particular, they highlight the shift from redistributive
and interventionist approaches towards approaches based in free trade and
neoliberal orthodoxy entrenched through international agreements.
Unlike previous EU-African agreements, which decommodified aspects of
their relations through price supports, grant aid, technology transfer, and
preferential market access, the Cotonou Agreement moves towards the minimal
state prescribed by neoliberalism.
Third, despite retaining a focus squarely on the interplay
of Africa in the global political economy, the symposium manages to pay close
attention to the specific and diverse social forces at play at the local level.
Several of the contributions speak to the constellation of progressive
social forces challenging the predominant framework for economic and political
organization embodied in neoliberalism. Colás,
for example, uses Marx’s analysis of populism to understand the influence of
Islamism as a political and social movement in the Maghreb, especially as
reaction to uneven reproduction of global capitalism. Stressing the need to consider the ways in which political
and social authority acts as a mediating structure conditioning the development
of local social forces, he emphasizes understanding of the waves of Islamist
politics as a historically specific reaction to the uneven development and
expansion of global capitalism. For
him, therefore, historical materialism permits us to move beyond purely cultural
explanations of Islamicism so prevalent today, while simultaneously cautioning
Marxism to take “populism” more seriously.
Raftopolous and Phimster’s analysis of the “Zimbabwe
crisis” highlights the breakdown of the liberation consensus and considers the
way in which that breakdown has divided African radicals.
In particular, debates over the relative importance of the historical
need for redistributive economic policies, especially with respect to land
distribution in the rural countryside, and the ideological commitment to human
rights and constitutionalism, have divided interpretations of the post-colonial
Zimbabwean legacy. While explicitly
rejecting the former, they caution that both sides have tended to underestimate
the centrality of state violence and repression in contemporary Zimbabwe.
Instead, they advocate the need for a deeper understanding of the
postcolonial state and processes of accumulation in the articulation of
progressive resistance to global neoliberalism.
Moore’s intervention makes a similar point regarding the
“two Lefts” of Zimbabwean politics, which he labels “patriotic
agrarianists” and “global critical cosmopolitans.”
For Moore, although debates among the Left over contemporary Zimbabwe
undermine unity, “Those Marxists who prefer deliberative debate and the
consensual pursuit of hegemony, rather than the fantastical ideologies and
authoritarian closure when discussion comes close to the bone…know what
choices to make. Simple principles
and light theory win the day over compromise and convolution” (Moore, 2004:
421).
Barchesi’s problematizing of progressive social agency in
post-Apartheid South Africa also fits into this vein.
For him, urban social movements centering in particular on the breakdown
of wage employment in South Africa, have facilitated the development and
articulation of “grassroots subjectivities” as alternatives to the failing
progressive agenda of the ANC. Although
the persistence and success of such informal movements remains unclear,
Barchesi’s analysis nevertheless points to a vibrant and creative social force
in need of greater analysis.
For all the strengths of the symposium’s contributions,
there are two weaknesses in the volume. First,
as acknowledged by Campling in the introduction to the special issue, the volume
presents a “non-comprehensive diversity” that is, to some degree, undermined
by the lack of black African contributions to the issue.
Indeed, as Campling acknowledges, the problem is hardly unique to the
special issue, but reflects the socio-economic and political realities of
contemporary African studies and the historically weak links between African and
Western scholarship and activism.
Second, although unified by a common methodological concern
based in historical materialist analysis, the articles themselves cover a
dizzying range of topics. While Campling’s introduction goes some way to drawing out
the common themes and elements, a concluding essay which revisited the
theoretical models in greater detail might have provided greater unity to the
symposium. Absent such an essay,
the volume is of interest to specialists but probably too advanced for
undergraduate classroom use.
Despite these relatively minor flaws, this remains
both a timely and fascinating volume, speaking to the debate over the scope and
nature of African Studies, and in particular to the utility of historical
materialism in analyzing contemporary Africa and in overcoming the impasse in
development studies. In the last
five years, the literature on Africa has witnessed the beginning of a
transformation. References to the
African crisis, the impasse of development theory, and the lost decades of the
1980s and 1990s, have begun to give way to an “African renaissance.” The renaissance, championed by Thabo Mbeki as part of South
Africa’s vision of a new Africa, includes a number of elements: overcoming
internal social divisions, establishing democracy, achieving economic growth and
development, and ending corruption and misrule. But critics of Mbeki’s vision of an African renaissance
caution that, at best, it is a utopian daydream of what might be rather than a
coherent or realistic program to address current problems. At worst, the program
represents a reformulation of
Washington Consensus policies and the expression of South Africa’s
neo-colonial ambitions on the continent
(Cheru, 2002). In either
case, the special issue of Historical
Materialism presents the strengths of critical political economy in
analyzing contemporary Africa.
Works Cited
Barchesi, Franco.
2004. “The Ambiguities of ‘Liberation’ in Left Analysis of
the South-African Democratic Transition.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
327-54.
Bernstein, Henry.
2004. “Considering Africa’s Agrarian Questions.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
115-44.
Bond, Patrick.
2004. “Bankrupt Africa:
Imperialism, Sub-Imperialism and the Politics of Finance.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
145-72.
Bush, Ray. 2004. “Undermining Africa.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
173-202.
Campling, Liam.
2004. “Editorial Introduction to the Symposium on Marxism and
African Realities.” Historical
Materialism. 12(4): 51-66.
Cheru, Fantu.
2002. African Renaissance: Roadmaps to the Challenge of
Globalization. (London: Zed).
Colas, Alejandro. 2004.
“The Re-Invention of Populism: Islamist Responses to Capitalist
Development in the Contemporary Maghreb.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
231-60.
Desai, Ashwin.
2004. “Magic, Realism and the State in Post-Apartheid South
Africa.” Historical
Materialism. 12(4): 383-404.
Idahosa, Pablo LE and Bob Shenton.
2004. “The Africanist’s
‘New’ Cloths.” Historical
Materialism. 12(4): 67-113.
Moore, David.
2004. “Marxism and Marxist Intellectuals in Schizophrenic
Zimbabwe: How Many Rights for Zimbabwe’s Left?
A Comment.” Historical
Materialism. 12(4): 405-26.
Nunn, Alex and Sophia Price.
2004. “Managing
Development: EU and African Relations through the Evolution of the Lomé and
Cotonou Agreements.” Historical
Materialism. 12(4): 203-30.
Oya, Carlos.
2004. “The Empirical Investigation of Rural Class Formation:
Methodological Issues in a Study of Large- and Mid-Scale Farmers in Senegal.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
289-326.
Raftopolous, Brian and Ian Phimister.
2004. “Zimbabwe Now: The
Political Economy of Crisis and Coercion.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
355-82.
Saul, John. 2001. Millennial Africa:
Capitalism, Socialism, Democracy. (Trenton: Africa World Press).
Wise, Christopher.
2004. “Marxism, Geo-Thematics,
and Orality-Literacy Studies in the Sahel.”
Historical Materialism. 12(4):
261-88.